Suchergebnisse

Survey data gathered for the project 'Social Structure and Economic Development,' during 1964 & 1965 by the author are used for a discussion of entrepreneurial origins & mobility in Chile. In particular, data from a sample of 69 medium-sized & dustry, drawn from the Industr Census of 1957, are utilized. 2 general propositions emerge from the analysis: (a) The transformations in soc structure accompanying incipient industr'ization, at least in Chile, have not had the effect of creating a fluid society characterized by high rates of SM & the ascendance of groups of 'new men' to places of prominence. (b) The stagnation-with-inflation crisis has had the effect of further rigidifying a soc structure historically characterized by wide soc inequalities & a highly uneven distribution of opportunities for econ & soc betterment. Econ theories, notably those of Max Weber & Reinhard Bendix, are quoted. On the basis of data on father's occup, educ, & wealth, the intergenerational mobility of Chilean industr managers was estimated in each case in which sufficient information was available. Of the 68 cases in which judgments were made, 56% were judged to evidence no mobility at all, 20% experienced a low degree, 15% a moderate, & 6% a high degree. There were 23 cases of lower soc origin & 25 of higher soc origin; the rest were in-between. The conclusion is reached that industr activity in Chile has represented a transfer of capital, personnel & function from 1 sector of the economy to another-a process of horizontal, not vertical, mobility. Comparisons between European & Latin Amer industr'ization are found inappropriate, since Chile & other Latin Amer countries have not passed through the same successive stages of industr'ization as European countries. The horizontal mobility found for Chile is considered typical for Latin Amer countries in general. An analysis of the industr sector in the 1950's & 60's follows. All data show the extreme limitation of interclass mobility in Chile. 'Chile has no fluid structure. No new SC's have arisen with incipient industr'ization.' Holding a relatively privileged & secure position & lacking a group consciousness & effective interest org, industr'ists have not been able to take an active role in influencing Chilean society. 4 Tables. M. Maxfield.

The change in Sudan from the rule of a strong proletarian-based Communist Party (CP) to that of a capitalistic system occurred when Colonel Jaafer al-Numeiri, supposedly in alliance with the CP, became president of the Republic. After breaking the CP hold on workers, he immediately allowed the investment of millions of dollars from foreign countries to boost economic growth in Sudan. Although Numeiri claims to be socialist, certain inconsistencies with socialist theory appear in Sudan's class structure. The privileged Arabs with their kinship system promote attitudes of racial superiority. Commercial capitalists have profited greatly from foreign investments & have been acquiring more political importance. Meanwhile, the majority of the farmers (with the exception of commercial farmers) & wage laborers are losing political power & importance. An explanation of the importance of the Gezira-Managil Scheme to Sudanese economy is provided, & helps illustrate the relationships between the wage laborers, Gezira tenants, & the Sudanese government. Past experience with Numeiri has convinced those with the CP that they must fight against the politics of class collaboration. M. K. Razo.

Whether or not there is a continuing class struggle in China today is of great importance not only to the future of that people's republic but also to leftist movements around the world. The issue of the possibility of the persistence of classes after the advent to state power of socialists was largely ignored by 19th century leftists as either too conjectural or indeterminable. In the USSR, the class struggle was declared ended in 1961 when a "state of the whole people" was proclaimed. But in China, the class struggle was recognized as persisting during the Cultural Revolution starting in 1966. The Sino-Soviet conflict embraces these differences. If socialist states are on the developmental path to communism, which can only be a world-system, then the elimination of basic economic disparities between parts of the world & within countries is a prerequisite, according to the Chinese. Hence the USSR, if it is truly committed to realizing communism, would have to assist nonindustrialized countries in their historic struggle to overcome underdevelopment. The relevance of this debate to the leftist movements concerns relations between forces in an interdependent world. If the USSR & China remain within the single capitalist world-economy, then these states with centralized planning, state ownership of productive property, & socialist parties in power do not represent a second, separate socialist world-system. These countries are not experiencing "communism" or "socialism" but rather reflect how rapid industrialization can be achieved by groups wielding state power. Among these groups & parties, there are "Left" & "Right" wings corresponding to the continuing class struggle over the operations of these levers of potential change within the capitalist controlled world-economy. A. Karmen.

A number of issues concerning the concept of class in Marxist theory are subjected to panel discussion. Traditional Marxist class theory (the theory of the period of entrepreneurial capitalism) & critical theory (the theory of the transition to monopoly capitalism) have both become obsolete. Without a crisis theory, Marxism does not have revolutionary implications; American culture never went through a crisis of the traditional kind, & the crisis now emerging will not be of the classic kind. Orthodox Marxism held that a contradiction in the economy led to a contradiction in culture, which led to revolution; after the moment when this was true passed, critique did not directly relate to action. The problem is whether a critical or crisis theory is possible without the notion of class. The neo-Marxist issue is to explain why class consciousness has not emerged. An alternative possible approach is to recognize Marxism as a secularization of the Judaeo-Christian tradition. This leads to a need for different approaches, & to a mistrust of theory as an approach to life; the problem is to go beyond reified abstractions. W. H. Stoddard.

It would be unfortunate if Western scholars rejected class analysis in the study of African pol solely because of its present identification with Marxist-Leninist ideology. Africans themselves are divided as to whether SE classes exist in their societies, & if so, whether such divisions lead ultimately to class conflict. Despite variegated mutations in Soviet ideology since 1917, the class struggle still constitutes 1 of the fundamental pillars of Marxism-Leninism. Current Russian Africanists attempt to apply class categories & only reluctantly modify them to African soc realities. With this in mind, this study discusses: (1) the relevance & utility of class analysis to the study of African pol'al affairs; (2) current African approaches to the class struggle, as represented by the views of the leaders of West Africa's ruling regimes; & (3) the Soviet view of the class struggle in tropical Africa. It does not seek to advance a systematic theory of class analysis that can be adapted to African conditions. IPSA.

This text focuses on the theory of class as it relates to women. It debates questions such as: how do women define themselves in terms of social class and why?; is definition important or not?; what part does education play in our understanding of class?; and how does class affect relationships?

The concentration here is upon the opposition of the pol'al parties to the gov, esp during the brief period 1961-65; the pol'al parties reflect Belgian pol accurately & the fact that they represent multiple interest groups frees us from having to look into the problem of the influence & interaction of the pressure groups. First, the situation before the May 1965 elections is described & then an examination is made of the pressure of the 'minority' parties of the 'gov'al' parties, new centrifugal trends that are apparent, the 'collective protestation,' the results of the 1965 elections, & finally changes in the theme of opposition. IPSA.